Plato’s Euthyphro, the Euthyphro Dilemma, and Why They’ll Never Leave You

Socrates in conversation with Euthyphro, with Meletus standing in the shadows.
Socrates questions Euthyphro outside the Stoa Basileios, or Porch of the King Archon, in Athens.

By Dr Neel Burton — Psychiatrist, philosopher, and wine writer; Fellow of Green Templeton College, University of Oxford; author of over twenty books.

The Euthyphro is one of Plato’s shortest dialogues—and one of his finest. It is funny, dramatic, and unexpectedly modern. What begins as a chance encounter outside an Athenian courthouse turns into one of the most profound and celebrated conversations in the history of philosophy.

On his way to answer a charge of impiety, Socrates meets the self-professed religious expert Euthyphro, who has decided to prosecute his own father for the manslaghter of a servant. Intrigued by his resolve, Socrates asks him an apparently simple question: What is piety? The answer proves far more elusive than either man expects. The problem has exercised philosophers ever since—not least the ‘last universal genius’ Gottfried Leibniz.

The core of the dialogue is the so-called Euthyphro dilemma: is something pious because the gods love it, or do the gods love it because it is pious? In modern terms, are things like justice, virtue, and beauty merely matters of authority, or are they woven into the very fabric of reality? Does God, or anyone else, decide what is good, or is there an independent standard?

Outline and Summary of Plato’s Euthyphro

Socrates is on his way to answer a charge of impiety for ‘corrupting young men’ and ‘creating new gods and not believing in the old ones’. The charge is being pressed by a certain Meletus, a little-known young man with a beak-like nose, long straight hair, and a sparse beard.

In the agora (market or central square), Socrates runs into the dogmatically religious Euthyphro. Following the death of a servant, Euthyphro has pressed a charge of manslaughter against his own father. Euthyphro tells Socrates that he is prosecuting his father for inadvertently killing a servant who, in a drunken rage, murdered one of the household slaves. After binding the servant and throwing him into a ditch, Euthyphro’s father sent a messenger to a priest to enquire what ought to be done. Unfortunately, the servant died of hunger and cold before the messenger could return.

Socrates flatters Euthyphro, saying that he must be far advanced in wisdom if he is willing to prosecute his own father on so questionable a charge. Euthyphro responds that his relatives are angry at him for prosecuting his father on behalf of a murderer whom he did not deliberately kill. Although they would say that he is behaving impiously, he himself thinks that he is behaving piously—and that he has knowledge of the pious and impious.

Posing as ignorant, Socrates asks Euthyphro to define the pious and impious. Euthyphro replies that the pious is to prosecute a wrongdoer regardless of who he is, and the impious not to prosecute him. He cites the example of Zeus, ‘the best and most just of gods’, who bound his father Cronus for unjustly swallowing his children.

Socrates says that many actions can be pious: but what is it that makes all pious actions pious, and all impious actions impious? What, in short, is the essence of piousness? Euthyphro offers that the pious is that which is dear to the gods. An action or man that is dear to the gods is pious, whereas an action or man that is hated by the gods is impious.

Socrates points out that the gods may be at odds, so that what is pious to one god may not be so to another. Euthyphro replies that none of the gods would be at odds on a matter such as his. Socrates argues that while both gods and men agree that whoever has killed someone unjustly ought to pay a penalty, they might disagree about who the wrongdoer is, what he did, and so on. Can Euthyphro be sure that, in his case, all the gods are in agreement? Even assuming that they are, this merely signifies that the action is hated by the gods. It does not signify that what is hated by the gods is impious, or that what is loved by them is pious. Even assuming that it does, is that which is pious loved by the gods because it is pious, or is it pious because it is loved by the gods? If the gods love something because it is pious, it cannot be their love that makes it pious. Whereas if something is pious because the gods love it, we still don’t know for what reason they love it.

Euthyphro complains that Socrates makes his arguments go around in circles. But Socrates points out that all he is doing is asking questions: it is Euthyphro’s answers and Euthyphro’s arguments that are going round in circles.

Socrates next argues that all that is pious is necessarily just. But whereas all that is pious is necessarily just, not all that is just is necessarily pious. Thus, where there is piety there is also justice, but where there is justice there is not necessarily piety, because piety is a part or aspect of justice. So what part of justice is piety? Euthyphro replies that piety is the part of justice that is concerned with the care of the gods, with the rest of justice being concerned with the care of men. Socrates asks Euthyphro what he means by ‘care’. In most instances, ‘to care’ means ‘to aim at the good of that which is cared for’. So does piety, which is concerned with the care of the gods, aim to make them better? Euthyphro suggests that piety, the care of the gods, is the sort of care that slaves have for their masters, and thus that it is a kind of service. If piety is a kind of service to the gods, asks Socrates, what is the goal of this service? The goal of service to doctors is health, and the goal of service to shipbuilders is the building of a ship. So what is the goal of service to the gods? Euthyphro answers that service to the gods is the knowledge of how to say and do what is pleasing to the gods at prayer and sacrifice, for the preservation of private households and public affairs of state.

Socrates says that, if the pious is the knowledge of how to pray and sacrifice, it is the knowledge of how to beg and give to the gods. To beg correctly would be to ask from them the things that we need, whereas to give correctly would be to give to them the things that they need—so that piety would amount to a sort of trading skill between gods and men. Euthyphro says, ‘Trading yes, if you prefer to call it that’—to which Socrates replies, ‘I prefer nothing, unless it is true.’

Socrates wonders what benefit the gods might derive from the gifts that they receive from us. Or do we have such a trading advantage over them that we receive all our blessings from them and they receive nothing in return? Euthyphro now claims that we give gifts to the gods so as to honour and please them. Socrates asks whether the pious is then pleasing, rather than beneficial or dear, to the gods—to which Euthyphro replies, ‘I think it is of all things most dear to them.’ Socrates points out that they have returned to Euthyphro’s original definition of piety, namely, that piety is that which is dear to the gods.

Socrates says that Euthyphro is more skilful than Daedalus, in that Daedalus could only make arguments move whereas Euthyphro can make them go round in a circle. Socrates suggests that they begin their inquiry anew, but Euthyphro says that he is in a hurry and leaves!

Analysis and Themes of Plato’s Euthyphro

The Euthyphro is often treated as an early Platonic dialogue, interesting only insofar as it introduces the Euthyphro dilemma. But that would be to miss much of its richness. It is also a brilliant study of dogmatism, intellectual humility, and the nature of dialectic and philosophical enquiry. And, chronologically, it is the first of the four dialogues that retrace the final days of Socrates—to be followed by the ApologyCrito, and Phaedo. If Plato’s internal chronology is to be relied upon, the conversation in the Euthyphro takes place on the same day as the conversation in the Theatetus, which follows the preliminary hearing (anakrisis) at the porch of the King Archon.

At no point does Euthyphro realise that he may be ignorant, or even that his knowledge of impiety may be less than complete. He confidently prosecutes his own father, without questioning whether this is what the gods would really want. When Socrates challenges the source of his self-esteem—knowledge of the gods—he finds himself unable to refute Socrates—and so simply leaves. It is a masterclass in the psychology of self-deception. The irony, too, is striking. Socrates is on his way to answer a charge of impiety, yet proves far more concerned with piety than the supposed expert on religion.

Whereas Euthyphro mistakes certainty for knowledge, Socrates is content to admit his ignorance and continue the search. It is apparent, especially in the unabridged dialogue, that Euthyphro struggles to understand what Socrates is asking of him—in other words, he struggles to understand what Socrates means by a definition. The same might be said of other so-called experts who engage with Socrates, including Laches in the Laches and Meno in the Meno. The confusion of these experts, some of whom, like Meno, were philosophically trained or at least philosophically aware, suggests that Socrates’ search for rigorous definitions was something original and radical.

For Socrates, it is not sufficient simply to define an ethical concept in terms of itself or related concepts, or by a list of its instances, or according to convention or popular opinion (‘piety is what is dear to the gods’). Instead, a rigorous definition is one which, by picking out the nature or essence of the ethical concept, applies to all its instances and no more. For example, Meno’s definition of virtue as ‘the ability to rule over people’ is both too narrow for excluding children and slaves, and too broad for including those who rule unjustly. Today, we take the search for rigorous definitions so much for granted that it is easy to forget how revolutionary it once was.

If beauty, courage, justice, and piety can have an essence that can be defined, perhaps they can also have an independent reality. In time, Socrates’ search for essences would evolve into Plato’s Theory of the Forms. In the Metaphysics, Aristotle is quite clear that Socrates did not originate the Theory of the Forms: ‘Two things may properly be ascribed to Socrates, inductive reasoning and definition by universals… But Socrates did not assign to the universal or the definitions an independent existence.’ Nonetheless, the seeds of the Theory of the Forms are already present in dialogues such as the Euthyphro.

Leibniz and the Best of All Possible Worlds

In the modern era, Leibniz (1646–1716) followed the direction of Socrates’ argument while going beyond anything that Socrates himself explicitly claimed. God does not make something good simply by willing it; rather, he wills it because it is good. Eternal or necessary truths—including the standards of the beautiful, the good, and the just—depend on God’s understanding, but not on his will.

This is no mere point of theology. It underpins Leibniz’s most famous doctrine, that this is the best of all possible worlds. If goodness depended solely on God’s will, then whatever world God chose to create would de facto have been the best, rendering the claim empty.

The very idea that God chose to create the best of all possible worlds presupposes an objective standard of goodness by which the alternatives can be judged. Notice that, in the Bible, in Genesis, as God created the world, he kept on checking that what he had done was ‘good’—and even, at the end of the sixth day, ‘very good’. Had there not been an independent standard of goodness, he would not have needed to look.

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To delve deeper into Plato, see The Gang of Three: Socrates, Plato, Aristotle and Plato’s Shadow: A Primer on Plato.

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A Psychiatrist and Philosopher Explains Plato’s Theory of Forms and Why It Lies at the Heart of Plato’s Philosophy

‘The eye of the soul must be turned around.’

By Dr Neel Burton — Psychiatrist, philosopher, and wine writer; Fellow of Green Templeton College, University of Oxford; author of over twenty books.

Plato’s Forms have profoundly shaped Western philosophy, psychology, and theology.

In On the Genealogy of Morality (1887), Nietzsche calls Plato ‘the sincerest advocate of the beyond, the great slanderer of life’. For Nietzsche, Plato inaugurates a metaphysical split between truth and appearance that systematically devalues the world we live in.

Yet the dichotomy between truth and appearance has deeper roots in pre-Socratic philosophy. Just as Plato leant upon Heraclitus’ doctrine of flux for his conception of the sensible world (the world as we see it), so he leant upon Parmenides’ unity for his conception of the intelligible world (the world as we think it), which he rendered as the immutable realm of the Forms.

The Genesis of the Forms

Plato’s authorship spanned some fifty years, from the death of Socrates in 399 BCE to his own death in c. 348 BCE. He is traditionally credited with 35 dialogues, although around ten of these are spurious or of doubtful authenticity. Today, the dialogues are often classified into early, middle, and late periods, based on their presumed order of composition.

This matters because the Theory of Forms does not appear fully formed, but gradually emerges from Plato’s development of Socratic questioning into a more systematic metaphysics.

The early dialogues are relatively short and accessible. They are sometimes referred to as the Socratic dialogues because they present a more historically faithful Socrates, typically engaged in ethical investigations of temperance, courage, or friendship with youths, friends, or supposed experts.

From these beginnings, Plato gradually develops his own philosophical system, including the Theory of Forms, which becomes central in middle dialogues such as PhaedoSymposium, and Republic. In these longer and more literary works, Socrates is less the historical figure and more a mouthpiece for Plato’s developing doctrines. He is accordingly more didactic, putting forward positive theories rather than simply questioning and refuting. Other middle-period doctrines that are unlikely to be Socratic include the Theory of Recollection, the Theory of Reincarnation, and the Theory of the Tripartite Soul—each closely connected to the Forms.

The Forms in the Phaedo

The Phaedo is named after Phaedo of Elis, a follower of Socrates who was present at his death. It is the dialogue in which Plato most explicitly develops the Theory of Forms, although without yet offering a systematic exposition.

It also assumes familiarity with the Meno and the Theory of Recollection, which the Phaedo builds upon.

In the Phaedo, once titled On the Soul, Socrates offers four arguments for the immortality of the soul, among them arguments that draw on recollection and the Theory of Forms. The apparent immortality of the soul enables Socrates to remain calm in the face of his impending execution and provides a metaphysical foundation for the life of philosophy. The dialogue ends with a myth of the afterlife and, of course, the dramatic drinking of hemlock.

Socrates argues that what is compounded is dissoluble, whereas what is uncompounded is indissoluble and therefore unchanging. The Forms (for instance, Beauty itself), which are unchanging, are uncompounded. Their particulars (for instance, a beautiful horse), which are in a constant state of composition and decay, are compounded.

Particulars are apprehended by the senses, but the Forms can only be apprehended by the mind. Since the soul is not apprehended by the senses, Socrates argues that it is akin to the Forms and therefore not subject to dissolution in the same way as bodily things.

The embodied soul uses the body as an instrument of perception, but what the body perceives is in perpetual flux, so that the soul is often drawn into confusion. When the soul turns away from the body and contemplates itself, it moves toward the realm of the unchanging and approaches wisdom.

Upon death, not all souls undergo the same fate. The soul of the philosopher, being least attached to the body, is able to dwell in the realm of the unchanging, where it ‘lives in bliss and is released from the error and folly of men, their fears and wild passions and all other human ills’. Souls that are more attached to bodily desire remain bound to the cycle of embodiment.

Socrates also suggests that Forms explain the deep structure of reality: things are beautiful because they participate in the Form of Beauty, two is two because it participates in the Form of Duality, and so on. A thing that participates in a Form may also participate in other related Forms. For instance, three pencils participate in the Form of Threeness and also in the Form of Oddness. However, opposite Forms such as Even and Odd cannot admit of each other in the same respect. In this way, the soul—being essentially alive—cannot admit its opposite, death, and is therefore closely bound to immortality.

The Symposium: Love as the Engine of Wisdom

In the Symposium, Socrates recounts the teaching of the priestess Diotima on the proper ascent to the love of beauty. A young person begins by loving one beautiful body. He then realises that all beautiful bodies share something in common, and that it is irrational to be attached to only one.

From there, love expands to all beautiful bodies, then to the beauty of the soul, then to beautiful practices and forms of knowledge. Eventually, the lover ascends to the vision of Beauty itself, no longer tied to any particular instance of it.

At the highest stage of this ‘ladder of love’, the soul apprehends Beauty itself rather than its appearances. In doing so, it comes as close as possible, within human life, to something stable and eternal.

The Republic: The Form of the Good

In Book VI of the Republic, in the context of educating the philosopher-kings, Plato introduces the elusive Form of the Good. It is by apprehending the Good that the philosopher becomes fit to rule, since it is the source of intelligibility and value in all things.

Because the Good cannot be directly defined, Socrates conveys it indirectly through three famous metaphors: the sun, the divided line, and the cave (discussed in a separate article).

Legacy of the Forms

In the Phaedo, the Theory of Forms is presented as the most plausible account of reality, without sustained criticism. In later dialogues, Plato becomes more self-critical; in the Parmenides, the Theory of Forms is subjected to a severe and systematic critique.

However arresting it may be, the Theory of Forms is never fully finalised. It becomes less prominent in the late dialogues and increasingly problematised from within.

Part of the pleasure of reading Plato is that he is thinking with us rather than simply instructing us. The dialogues are not dogmatic systems but staged explorations of philosophical possibility.

In any case, our interest in the Theory of Forms is less in its strict logical coherence than in its enduring influence. The Phaedo helped establish a set of deep dualities that have shaped much of Western thought: soul and body, mind and matter, reason and sense perception, reality and appearance, good and evil, heaven and earth.

In later Western traditions, these distinctions were often intensified into moral and metaphysical hierarchies. The body is frequently associated with limitation, desire, and error, while the soul or intellect is associated with truth and transcendence. Yet this inheritance is uneven: other traditions, including various strands of Eastern philosophy and practice, place less emphasis on such sharp oppositions and more on integration, discipline, or transformation within embodied life.

At the same time, Plato’s vision is not simply world-denying. The discipline of detachment in the Phaedo and the Symposium also points toward a kind of freedom from compulsion—whether read metaphysically, ethically, or psychologically.

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If this essay spoke to you, you might look into The Gang of Three: Socrates, Plato, Aristotle.

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